Democratic socialist candidates stirred the primary election pot. But can they win in November?

From New York City to Denver, candidates backed by the Democratic Socialists of America have made unexpected political inroads. The mayor of New York City is a democratic socialist. This spring, DSA-backed Melat Kiros unseated 15-term Colorado District 1 Congresswoman Diana DeGette, one of five DSA winners of Democratic primaries nationwide.

So, what is DSA — it’s an organization, not a party — and what do its members want? And can their candidates win in general elections?

For answers, RED turned to Robert Preuhs, professor and chair of Metropolitan State University of Denver’s Political Science Department.

What do you see as reasons for democratic socialism’s growing popularity?

First, frustration. Whether it stems from concerns over affordability, economic mobility, the political system’s lack of responsiveness, or most likely, a combination of all of these factors, folks are frustrated with the perceived inability of our political and economic systems to deliver better outcomes. Second, the DSA’s strategic use of the Democratic Party as a vehicle to promote policy change allowed for the election or nomination of candidates that might not have the same success as an independent party.

What impact do you foresee that popularity having on the upcoming midterm elections?

When people are excited about candidates, they are more likely to vote. And, the DSA has been effective at mobilizing its supporters.  That could translate to more turnout. However, it may also mean more polarization and accusations of extremism by their opponents. Given our polarized political context, voters are voting against the other party as much, if not more, than for a candidate.

Is democratic socialism concerned more with economic or social policy?

Democratic socialism centers economic policy in its platform, with calls for more progressive taxation, including workers in corporate decisions and strengthening unions, while tuition-free college, Medicare for All and housing affordability bridge social and economic policies. Democratic socialism also focuses on ending the war in Gaza, a free Palestine and governmental reforms. Strictly social policies, such as abortion or transgender rights, are part of their platform but couched in wider terms.

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Are socialism and communism the same thing?

They are not. Socialism sees stronger democratic control of portions of the economy, like healthcare or housing, and a greater role for unions — discussions that have long been part of mainstream politics . Communism sees complete collective ownership of all aspects of the economy and no private ownership. This generally entails some authoritarian control to enforce.

Are there examples in history of other far-left, far-right or third-party movements gaining traction?

U.S. politics has always been dynamic. In the late 1800s, we witnessed the rise of strong anti-immigration parties (the Know-Nothings) and a conservative, laissez-faire approach to the economy. This led to progressive movements that pushed for labor rights and government reforms. In 1968, Alabama Gov. George Wallace ran for president on a  segregationist ticket — the last time a third-party candidate won  Electoral College votes. In the early 1990s, Ross Perot’s Reform Party garnered 20% of the popular vote for president. The Tea Party faction is directly related to the Republican Party’s MAGA faction. The 19^th-century Know-Nothing Party focused on perceived threats from immigrants — something we see today as part of the MAGA movement. Calls to end wars, more inclusive democracy and addressing economic disparities with greater government intervention  characterized the progressive movements of the late 1960s.

What lasting impact, if any, have previous grassroots and third-party movements had?

The most common impacts are major political parties shifting  positions to accommodate new demands, and/or overall shifts in public opinion. We have 40-hour workweeks thanks to labor union demands. A long, sustained grassroots movement brought civil rights protections. The mobilization of voters in the 1960s and 1970s produced laws protecting the environment.

In the short run, we might expect greater conflict and backlash as new ideas take hold, but in the long run grassroots and third-party movements can change politics and society, for good or bad, depending on one’s political preferences.

Do you think DSA disruption of the Democratic Party will ultimately help or hurt that party?

I think that can go either way. Parties need to revisit messaging and policy positions when they are in the minority. Internal debate, highlighting policy issues that will excite voters and  broaden the coalition, can  be beneficial.

The danger for the party lies in the potential of a strong push away from moderate positions, which may chip away at the Democrats’ fairly wide coalition. We’ve seen this happen with Republicans as the MAGA influence has excluded many of that party’s moderates.

So far, DSA victories have come mostly in Democratic primaries or very blue districts. Do you think socialist candidates can win general elections?

They’ve created excitement, they’ve mobilized voters, but the midterms will be an important test of the breadth of support for DSA ideas.

Winning a Democratic primary is one thing. Winning a general election in a safe Democratic district is likely. But the question is: Can they extend that excitement to moderates and independents?

Now the debate will be what messaging and policies Democrats should emphasize to regain the House and Senate and the presidency in ’28

This general election is going to be the proving ground. Recent polls show Trump’s approval rating at just 33%, but it’s still not clear whether that will translate to Democratic or DSA victories.

Without wins in competitive states and districts, the DSA movement may be short-lived outside of a few  blue districts and states.